Governor. Tate Reeves was left without any other options than to use social media. After taking advantage of last week’s legislative infighting, Tate Reeves publicly argued for the complete elimination of the income taxes. However, lawmakers reached a closed-door deal on Saturday. Reeves called Reeves’ tax plan “a great step”, but criticised Lt. Governor. Delbert Hosemann demanded a more measured approach in cutting the income tax. Philip Gunn, Speaker of the House, had supported Reeves’ proposal to eliminate the income taxes. However, Gunn ended up destroying it in legislative negotiations with Hosemann. Reeves tweeted, “Strong action that can change our state for better takes time and passionate allies.” “For transformative changes, we need our state’s Lieutenant Governor to collaborate with bold conservatives,” Reeves tweeted. The Republican Party holds all eight state offices as well as the three most powerful Mississippi seats — the governor, lieutenant governor, and speaker. The supermajority in both the Senate and House of the Mississippi Republican Party means that the party in power can pass any bill without needing a single Democratic vote. So why can’t Republicans come together and pass major reforms? There are three distinct groups within the Mississippi Republican Party. Each has clear voter support, and is led by power brokers who can swing the votes and muddy political waters. One faction pushes while the other two pull. They rarely agree on anything. They are rarely in agreement on anything. As the national Republican Party continues to march to the right, many long-serving Mississippi Republican elected officials have been forced to join the party, or are considered moderates because they hold the same positions. Many Republican elected officials try to be all things to all people at once. During the income tax debate, it was clear that there was an intra-party struggle to power. It also became apparent that no Grand Old Party leader received exactly what they wanted. Nearly all Republicans are leaving Jackson disappointed in one way or another, and political observers are still trying to figure out what happened over the past three months. These are the three major Republican Party factions, and some examples of their influence in the tax cut debate this session. This is the largest group of the Mississippi Republican Party. This group has the greatest influence at Capitol and is home to the majority of Republican elected officials. These Republicans support fiscal conservative principles favored by national party leaders, including lower taxes, less government spending, and deregulation of the economy. They are driven by conservative evangelical principles when it comes to social issues. Gov. Reeves, Speaker Gunn are both solidly in the Establishment. However, they have often tried to appeal to voters to their left. Gunn and Reeves both supported the elimination of all income taxes, but they had different ideas about how to do that. The plan to eliminate income tax was supported by many rank-and-file Republicans in the legislature. All House Republicans voted for Gunn’s plan in some way, and many state senators supported it. Establishment gets unabashed support from conservative media outlets, both online and radio. This will allow them to target Republicans who don’t agree with their leaders. To chastise Republicans against the plan, the Establishment also employed the support of powerful lobbyists and right-leaning interest group to do so. This wing is growing at the Capitol and is left of Establishment. Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, the Moderates’ most powerful elected official, believes that many of the principles defended by the Establishment may sometimes be too risky and too far. They don’t believe fiscal policy should be changed quickly in a state like Mississippi, which is more vulnerable to economic downturns. They are more open to listening to their fellow members of the other side about social and fiscal issues. For example, Senate Republicans had initially pushed as part of their tax cut package lowering Mississippi’s highest-in-the-nation grocery tax — a tax that disproportionately affects economically disadvantaged Mississippians. With the support of five to six Republican Senate leaders Hosemann stopped Gunn from pursuing his plan for the complete elimination of the income tax. They used their “this is too much, too fast in uncertain economic times” argument to stop Gunn’s plan. Hosemann stated that “Our constituents expect” us to continue funding core government services, including education, healthcare, and other areas, in a statement released Saturday following the compromise’s passing. “Our budget experts have promised us that we can continue doing this and significantly reduce the tax burden for hardworking Mississippians,” Hosemann said. This is a criticism Hosemann has received from the Establishment, as evidenced by Reeves tweet. This extreme right-leaning wing of Mississippi Republican Party is a part of the political spectrum. These elected officials are extreme conservatives. “Reagan Republicans” don’t always view them as conservative enough. They are also growing in numbers at the Capitol, which is why Establishment Republicans fear them in election year. They believe there should be very little government spending and that taxpayers should not pay for the services of other taxpayers. The government is a big, evil enemy of the working class. It should be eliminated from all its power and size so that citizens can take control of their own lives. This wing is headed by Mississippi Republican Party state senator Chris McDaniel. He has not run for the U.S. Senate and has a large following among right-wing conservatives. McDaniel’s supporters have been critical of Hosemann for his refusal to eliminate the income tax completely. They use terms such as “RINO” (Republican in Name Only) to describe Hosemann and even call him a Democrat. McDaniel posted last week on Facebook that Hosemann had “strenuously refused to consider eliminating Mississippi’s income tax despite Governor Tate Reeves and Speaker Philip Gunn as well as conservatives from Mississippi having championed it.” “Perhaps that shouldn’t surprise us. Delbert Hosemann refused to endorse Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign. A tax cut, the largest in state history, is not something any Republican faction will lose on. It is unlikely that any Republican regardless what party is likely to lose. State and legislative elections are in August and November 2023. There will be plenty of political activity between now and then. The Far Right wants Hosemann to be pinned on a stake. McDaniel, along with his loud supporters, have wanted Hosemann to run as lieutenant governor for many years. The establishment is being ignored by Mississippi’s supporters of this group as the national Republican Party moves to the right. They can be loud at rallies at Capitol and on social media, but they have not been able to exert enough influence in Mississippi at the ballot box to make any changes. In suburban areas with higher education attainment, the Moderates are still gaining legislative seats. Many incumbent Republicans at Capitol seem to be more comfortable with their moderate tendencies, if not publicly, then privately. While trying to influence policy behind closed doors, it also seems that many of them are becoming more comfortable. Hosemann’s approval rating was the highest of any Mississippi statewide elected official, at least prior to his term as lieutenant Governor. So, any serious threat for his re-election in 2023 would not be surprising. The Establishment has not shown any signs of slowing down and continues to dominate the state. Reeves will continue to try to appease both the Establishment as well as the Far Right. However, the latter has been a losing strategy since he was elected governor, especially during the 2020 state flag changing and the pandemic. Gunn still has a chance to challenge Reeves in the 2023 primary. Bottom line: Republicans in Mississippi have the support of everyday voters because they use the term “Republican” as their name. Is there a sufficient understanding of intra-party struggles, factional nuances and how they could impact the GOP primaries?