Three months later, the time sensitive lawsuit has not been resolved. It is possible that the lawsuit will still be in existence at some point, either before Jordan or upon appeal to the U.S. 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, with an ultimate destination at the U.S. Supreme Court. If the Mississippi governor’s race is as close as many pundits believe, it could lead to a situation where lawyers argue in federal court that the constitutional provisions giving the election to the House should not be allowed to stand, even though members of the House are getting ready to vote for the next governor of the state. The political system in Mississippi could experience chaos in December, just before the 2020 legislative session. The election may be just the beginning. These provisions require that a candidate for the statewide office must win a majority vote and have the most votes in the majority of the 122 House district. The election is thrown to the House for decision if no candidate meets these thresholds. In the 1990s, three consecutive elections (two for lieutenant governor and one for lieutenant governor) were held in the House. Many believe it is possible that it could happen again in this year’s race for governor, where Republican Lt. Governor. The battle between Tate Reeves, Democratic Attorney General Jim Hood is fierce. In June, the House was threatened with a rerun election. A lawsuit was filed to block the constitutional provisions. According to the lawsuit, the provisions were part incorporated into the 1890 Constitution of the state to ensure that African Americans, who were then majority in the state, would not be elected to statewide office. The National Redistricting Foundation (presided over by Eric Holder), and the Mississippi Center for Justice filed the lawsuit on behalf of four Mississippi voters. According to the lawsuit, a volume of Mississippi Historical Society states that the Constitution was written in 1890 to ensure that the white minority controlled the House of Representatives. It was also “the legal basis, bulwark, and support of the design of white supremacy” in a state with an overwhelming negro majority. Most of the other provisions in the 1890 Constitution which were meant to deny African Americans rights, such as segregated schools and poll taxes, were long ago overturned by the courts. The lawsuit names Delbert Hosmeann (the state’s chief election officer) and Speaker Philip Gunn (the House’s presiding officer). Gunn and Hosemann argue that the four black Mississippians are not entitled to file the suit because they have not been affected by the provisions. Hosemann and Gunn respond that it is only conjecture that they will be harmed. Hosemann and Gunn responded that it was “nothing more than conjecture” that they would be hurt. Reeves’ campaign instead, as if waking up to past Mississippi politicians who often criticized “outsider agitators” for trying change state laws to guarantee rights for black citizens, stated that “this is a decision Mississippians must make, not Washington liberals.” Hood on the other hand said, “The candidate receiving the most votes should win, no matter what.” Every Mississippian should vote. Those voters should decide who their governor is. However, legislators couldn’t agree on whether a runoff election should be held if there was no winner. General election contests are not subject to a runoff in most states. The urgency to amend those constitutional provisions diminished as Republicans gained ground and most statewide elections were won by large margins. The Hood/Reeves race could bring back the focus on those provisions.